Let’s take a look at wildlife. Very interesting isn’t it?
Proclamation News an Gatherence.

Snakes have four ways of moving around. Since they don’t have legs they use their muscles and their scales to do the “walking”. … Snakes will push off of any bump or other surface, rocks, trees, etc., to get going. They move in a wavy motion.
Serpentine method: This motion is what most people think of when they think of snakes. Snakes will push off of any bump or other surface, rocks, trees, etc., to get going. They move in a wavy motion. They would not be able to move over slick surfaces like glass at all. This movement is also known as lateral undulation.
Concertina method: This is a more difficult way for the snake to move but is effective in tight spaces. The snake braces the back portion of their body while pushing and extending the front portion. Then the snake drops the front portion of their body and straightens an pulls the back portion along. It is almost like they through themselves forward.
Sidewinding: This is a difficult motion to describe but it is often used by snakes to move on loose or slippery surfaces like sand or mud. The snake appears to throw its head forward and the rest of its body follows while the head is thrown forward again. (See picture.)
Rectilinear Method: This is a slow, creeping, straight movement. The snake uses some of the wide scales on its belly to grip the ground while pushing forward with the others.
isnt it very ironic to be a snake?
what a strange creature, its scaled up rough skin. very venimous some of them specifically the rattle snake an python.
any lets get onto todays Tellogical Process of Uk politics.
wheres its insisted inside Proclamation News an Gatherence

Ohh my goodness looks like we have it!!.
Jeremy Corbyn is at it again headlines the Conservation paper.
what is he upto now? of it isnt something Narcasistic or a waste of Tax payers money what is it?… lets listen in to see what it is if anything or quit frankly a random propaganda photoshoot

British politics is changing dramatically – and the left sees an opportunity
Radical. Transformative. Path-breaking. These cliches are often trotted out in the pages of party manifestos.
Manifestos are more than shopping lists of policy priorities and pledges. They represent an opportunity for political parties to put forward a narrative of reform and renewal of the underpinning purpose of the state. Of course, they are always couched in the rhetoric of change and innovation, but rarely do they move far beyond the technocratic exercises of tweaking existing arrangements.
Taken together, the Labour Party’s manifesto for the 2019 UK election breaks with this convention and seeks to transform the British state. It advocates no less than a new social contract between the citizen and the state.
This manifesto programme seeks to strengthen state capacity and develop the UK economy via a “national transformation fund” for critical infrastructure and low-carbon technology. The inspiration here is the developmental states of east Asia, such as Japan and South Korea. It is combined with the moral and political logic of the post-war Labour government led by Clement Attlee.
There is to be a turbo-charged council housing building scheme led by the state and major investment in health and education. Then, the part-nationalisation of broadband is an interesting mix of old and new. It sees the return of public ownership, but on the radically new terrain of internet access.
Here Labour is not only seeking to reverse some of the ravages of austerity but to fundamentally redefine what should be considered basic rights of citizenship in the 21st century. Access to the internet and digital services is being put in the same category of other essential utilities, such as water, energy, education and health – things that are too important to be left to the market.
There is scepticism about whether such a radical, transformative agenda will resonate with voters enough to win the 2019 election. But even if it doesn’t, this manifesto has a longer term purpose. It is designed to be preference-shaping rather than preference accommodating. Its goal is to reframe the political debate on the party’s own terms, rather than dilute the radicalism of its proposals to appeal to anticipated affinities or the risk aversion of middle England. Under leader Jeremy Corbyn, Labour’s objective is to shift the centre ground of British politics to the left.
A surprising lesson from Brexit
Labour appears to have been emboldened to push harder on these issues by changes to electoral politics in the UK. For a whole new generation of voters, the New Labour years of the 1990s and 2000s – never mind Thatcherism – is a foreign country. As an ideological project, Thatcherism was designed to empower the market and irrevocably “roll back the frontiers of the state” through policies of privatisation, deregulation and liberalisation. The policies of Conservative governments in the 1980s and 1990s, and to a lesser extent New Labour after 1997, were premised on the assumption that state involvement in the economy leads to perverse results – of which the poor performance of nationalised industries in the 1970s was seen as indicative. Thus, the role of the state has gradually been minimised.
Younger voters know little more than the politics of austerity, as defined by public spending cuts and a shrinking state. Stark warnings about a return to the “bad old days of 1970s” when you had to “wait six months for the Post Office to put in a phone line” are hardly likely to mean much to a millennial employed in the gig economy whose working pattern is determined by an algorithm via an app on their mobile phone.
While a glaring registration gap between older and younger voters remains, a surge in the number of people under 25 registering to vote in recent weeks suggests a growing political engagement in this younger demographic and perhaps a more significant electoral impact this time round.
The other dynamic at play here is Brexit. Not only in the emerging electoral map based on the politics of Leave and Remain, but the undeniable evidence post-referendum that dramatic shifts in public opinion and the political culture of the UK are still possible. In these volatile, unpredictable times, the opportunity to reshape and remould the state and its relationship to the economy and the citizen is great.
In 2010, the Conservative and Liberal Democrat coalition government sought to fundamentally reduce the size and scope of the British state in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis. That project was ultimately derailed by Brexit.
Political scientist WH Greenleaf famously characterised British politics as an enduring cycle between the politics of libertarianism and collectivism. While governing parties may change more or less each election, the prevailing ideological view of the state and its role is generally more sticky. It shifts episodically over time.
Whether Labour can confound the polls and win an outright majority is yet to be seen. But in a period of shifting political allegiances and hung parliaments, the manifestos of losing parties outside of government carry increasing weight and moral force.
After four decades in which economic liberalism and market logic have presided over British party politics, the 2019 Labour Party manifesto may represent a decisive swing of the pendulum back towards collectivism and an interventionist state – whichever party or parties form a government after the December 12.
Quit possible what we’ve all been sitting an wondering about these two in the lime light within British Politics, this whole episode of the bleak Brexit what and,
Where are Boris Johnson and Jeremy Corbyn visiting – and what do their travel plans tell us about the election?

Road trips to drum up support are an essential part of any election and 2019 has, so far, been no exception. The closer we get to polling day, the campaign trail will be crossing the country at ever more frenetic speed. But what can we tell about each of the two largest party’s electoral ambitions from where the leaders are going?
In the first 12 days of the campaign, Johnson visited 18 constituencies. Besides his visit to the Tayto crisp factory in Tandragee, Northern Ireland and a visit to Broxtowe in Nottinghamshire, where the incumbent is the former Conservative Anna Soubry, his visits have been equally split between Conservative and Labour held seats. This is a fairly cautious strategy – the Conservative seats are largely safe (usually with the Liberal Democrats in second place), so he is able to conduct his visits in relatively friendly locations.
Apart from his visit to Stainforth, which is in the ultra-safe constituency held by former Labour leader Ed Miliband, the Labour seats Johnson is visiting are marginal. This hints at a wider expansionist strategy to come later in the campaign, concentrating on the type of seats Johnson needs to gain to enable him to hold a majority. This strategy is already beginning to emerge. The Conservative battle bus was launched in Middleton – exactly the type of traditional Labour area the Conservatives want to take. Winning such seats could deliver them a thumping majority.
Wherever he is going, what seems to be characterising Johnson’s campaign trail is a very heavily orchestrated and “themed visit” strategy. He isn’t delivering many speeches to local supporters – something that David Cameron did particularly frequently in 2010, for example.
Johnson’s visits are instead themed around key policy areas – hospitals, schools and businesses. This gives him the opportunity to be pictured interacting with members of the public, appearing approachable, but with limitations to the degree of interaction. In these scenarios, people can be carefully selected for encounters with Johnson. That is not to say that these visits run without incident; after all, it was only September when Johnson was heckled at Whipps Cross Hospital.
What is perhaps surprising, however, is that Johnson’s campaign trail reflects very much what Theresa May was doing in the 2017 campaign, despite Johnson’s very different persona and his repeatedly polling more favourably than May. His strategy indicates that his team have yet to learn the lesson of a key failure of May’s campaign – if you put the leader front and centre, you also need to allow access to them.
Can’t stop Corbyn
Corbyn has hit the ground running, visiting the same number of seats as Johnson. His stop offs have included Conservative-held seats such as Pudsey, near Leeds, where the Conservatives won by just a few hundred votes in 2017, and Rossendale and Darwen, where they won by just a few thousand.
Corbyn has also been defending his own party’s territory in Crewe and Nantwich and Blackpool. These are both marginal seats, where the parties are in a close second place. There are only 48 votes in it in Crewe. No wonder Corbyn has already appeared there.
What is particularly unusual about Corbyn’s campaign so far is the amount of attention he has paid to Scotland. In 2010, for example, Gordon Brown only visited two Scottish seats towards the end of the campaign (visits to his own constituency of Kirkcaldy and Cowdenbeath do not count). Ed Miliband went to Scotland on three different occasions in 2015, visiting one constituency each time.
Corbyn visited Scotland three times in 2017, but only on one occasion visited more than one seat in a single trip. However, in this campaign he has already completed a two-day tour of eight different Scottish constituencies, speaking to supporters, canvassing and visiting the National Mining Museum. All bar one of these constituencies are held by the SNP and are mostly marginal.
This unusual concentration on Scotland so early in the campaign shows how much importance Labour is placing on retaining its seven Scottish MPs and trying to reclaim a whisper of the dominance the party once enjoyed. It would be surprising if this is the only time we see Corbyn in Scotland during this campaign.
Despite Wales being a key area for consolidating Labour support to prevent a Johnson majority, Corbyn hasn’t been as active here, which hints that Welsh Labour is taking control of its own campaign there.
Public, but not too public
There are already rumblings that both party leaders are rarely engaging with voters in a spontaneous way in this campaign. Meeting people as they go would be a good way of boosting their popularity but, of course, it also comes with risks. When the public have been granted access to leaders on their visits, it hasn’t gone smoothly.
Corbyn was heckled in Dunfermline, Scotland, and Johnson was confronted by angry locals in Yorkshire, who asked him why he had taken so long to travel to their flood-hit region, so it’s easy to see why they might avoid improvised events.
Of course, heckling in British elections is nothing new, but the appearance of it so early in the campaign seems symptomatic of wider public dissatisfaction with politicians.

There are still many more miles for the leaders to travel and the rate of constituency visits will crescendo in the final full week of the campaign, giving us a clear guide to the expectations of the parties on polling day. However, Johnson and Corbyn’s reliance on highly structured visits provides voters with little real access, which might have been used to understand the men who are proposing to lead their country.